A heated debate rages on in the United
States today concerning the second amendment and the individual right to bear
arms in the wake of yet another tragic shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas
High School in Parkland, Florida. The
nation appears rather firmly divided on the issue, with many arguing their
constitutional rights must not be infringed, while others point to the
ever-growing number of gun-related fatalities as evidence that legislation must
be passed to limit this freedom.
While this polarized conversation may seem
a uniquely American discourse, it is in fact part of a much larger global
debate.
Indeed, the contentious idea of exchanging
liberty for security has been circulating for quite some time, particularly in
the wake of September 11, 2001. As waves
of terrorist attacks crashed upon the shores of Western Democracy, states were
obliged to assess the scope of individual liberty and how it must be altered to
allow for the safety and security of its citizens.
Most states responded by encroaching upon
certain freedoms in the name of protecting the perceived “common benefit” (Hobbes,
2000, p.78). Examples include the
Patriot Act and the advent of the Transportation Security Administration (TSA)
in the United States, travel bans in the United Kingdom and across Europe, and
Canada’s 2015 counterterrorism law that provides the government with almost
unchecked authority in monitoring and persecuting individuals suspected of
terrorism, to name just a few (Tayler, 2017).
But what drives otherwise freedom-loving people to abandon what might be considered the very core of their belief system (that being the individual right to liberty) in favor of these intrusive laws?
But what drives otherwise freedom-loving people to abandon what might be considered the very core of their belief system (that being the individual right to liberty) in favor of these intrusive laws?
For the answer, we turn to Thomas Hobbes
and the realists who argue that fear is the driving force behind much, if not
all, of civilization.
According to Hobbes (2000), there is much
to be feared in the natural world. “The
unformed matter of the world,” he argues, “[is] a god by the name of Chaos”
(p.51).
In his famous work, Leviathan, he paints the picture of man as a fearful species who is
surrounded by danger and who “hath his heart all the day long gnawed on by fear
of death, poverty, or other calamity”
(p.49).
Indeed, even the title “Leviathan,” inspires
images of a mythical beast mentioned in the biblical Book of Job—a monster with
a double coat of armor and fearsome teeth who spouts fire from its mouth and
can be bested by no man (Job 41 New International Version).
In an effort to protect himself against the
dangers of the world, man exhibits two qualities that, in my opinion, make up
the foundation of Hobbes’ (2000) piece (and by extension, realist ideology).
The first of these qualities being “a perpetual and restless desire of power
after power, that ceaseth only in death”
(p.44) and the second being a willingness to “compound” our powers by
consensually investing them “in one person, natural or civil, that has the use
of all their powers depending on his will”
(p.38).
The latter sort of thing is the basis for
the Leviathan or “commonwealth”, as Hobbes (2000) describes it, which is
essentially the basis for the contemporary notion of the “nation-state”. Not a person, but a combination of persons,
the commonwealth is essentially a negotiated contract between sovereign citizens
whereby individuals exchange certain “rights” that they are awarded via the
natural order (where everyone has the “right” to everything [p.59]) in exchange
for respite from the chaos and calamity of the natural world as well as
protection offered by this perceived greater power.
With that said, it is safe to gather that
protecting its citizens is one of the primary functions of the state or commonwealth
(Hobbes, 2000, p.78). In order to offer
this protection, many states argue that it must erode upon individual rights. It does so by instituting laws that by their very nature, restrict the freedoms associated with the unchecked, natural order, but that allay many of the fears associated with the aforementioned sort of world.
Indeed, Hobbes (2000) argues that the fear
driving the want of such laws is not only compatible with liberty, but
“consistent” with it. “Fear and liberty
are consistent,” he writes, “as when a man throweth his goods into the sea for
fear the ship should sink, he doth it nevertheless very willingly, and may
refuse to do it if he will; it is therefore the action of one that was free” (p.97).
Is it, therefore, just to assume that we
must simply accept that our rights must be infringed if we are to enjoy the
relative peace we have today? In the
case of the United States, for example, is it fair to conclude that freedom is exemplified by our free society's justly elected leaders exchanging certain liberties for our collective peace and
security?
Some might argue that the proverbial "juice" is not worth the "squeeze" and that the state failed in
providing the protection it is designed to offer. In the case of the gun debate, for example, shooting deaths continue even in those places where gun free zones and assault weapons bans have been implemented.
Despite the protection of the state, the fundamental distrust of one another discussed by Hobbes (2000) is still ever-present and our proverbial "doors" and "chests" remain locked because of it (p.57).
Despite the protection of the state, the fundamental distrust of one another discussed by Hobbes (2000) is still ever-present and our proverbial "doors" and "chests" remain locked because of it (p.57).
Is this fear, which serves as the
driving force for these laws, rational and in implementing them are we targeting an actual threat
or simply a “causeless fear” of some perceived “other” that seems a threat
to the collective “us” camp (Hobbes, 2000, p.31)?
The above are all questions I hope to
explore in more detail through our class discussions and in the comments below.
Hobbes, T. (2000). Leviathan.
Retrieved from https://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Tayler, L. (2017). World
Report 2017: Rights Trends in Overreach. Retrieved May 06, 2018, from
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-chapters/global
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